Haider Saeed: Al-Sudani’s government reflects limited authority under ruling coalition

BAGHDAD — Iraqi thinker Haider Saeed has described Prime Minister Mohammed Shia Al-Sudani’s government as fundamentally different from previous administrations, emphasizing its limited authority within the framework of the ruling coalition.

In an interview with Alaraby Tube, Saeed highlighted the shift in Iraq’s political landscape, where the Prime Minister’s role is increasingly constrained, focusing on service delivery while broader decisions on governance and foreign policy are shaped by the Shia Coordination Framework.

Excerpts from Haider Saeed’s interview with Alaraby Tube:

Al-Sudani’s government differs somewhat from previous administrations. Unlike Nouri Al-Maliki or Haider Al-Abadi, Prime Minister Mohammed Shia Al-Sudani does not wield ultimate authority. Constitutionally, the Prime Minister is supposed to be the architect of the state’s executive and public policies.

However, Sudani’s government is not akin to instances where a Prime Minister comes to power through an election-winning party. Today, power extends beyond Al-Sudani himself and lies with the ruling coalition, represented by the Coordination Framework.

After the resignation of Adil Abdul-Mahdi’s government under pressure from protests, the political climate shifted toward appointing a controllable prime minister. This led to Mustafa Al-Kadhimi’s tenure, and now Sudani has inherited a similar role, where he is not responsible for decision-making but the broader political framework is responsible.

It has become evident that Iraq’s foreign policy decisions are tied to the Coordination Framework rather than the Sudani government. This is apparent in Iraq’s handling of crises in Gaza and Lebanon. The concept of the prime minister’s role is being redefined, limiting responsibilities to service-related matters while sidelining broader public and foreign policies.

The comparison of the prime minister’s position to that of a director general reflects a transformation in the role’s perception and its place in Iraq’s political process.

In a rentier state like Iraq, the prime ministership traditionally plays a central role in creating political leadership. This is what Sudani aims to achieve, as his predecessors, Al-Maliki and Al-Abadi, did. By focusing on a “services government” slogan, Sudani is not redefining the prime ministership but attempting to use it to establish political leadership.

A tacit agreement seems to exist between the ruling coalition and the prime minister: allowing Sudani to promote service and development initiatives in exchange for curtailing the emergence of new political leadership, even if the Prime Minister is part of the coalition.

There appears to be a focus on creating political leadership rather than establishing a strategic vision for the state. The political system operates through clientelist networks that buy loyalty with political money rather than fostering systemic development.

After the nationalization of oil, Iraq’s middle class expanded but became primarily composed of state-dependent employees. As a result, the middle class’s strength fluctuates with the strength of the state. Today, with many Iraqis unable to access or benefit from the clientelist system, and with the entry of foreign investments, I argue that the current class disparity is the largest in Iraq’s history. This is part of the effort to create political leadership through the clientelist system.

A trend has spread across the region, from Tunisia to Iraq, prioritizing development over civil and political liberties. Following the setbacks experienced by the region, development has been proposed as an alternative to democratic projects. However, this incomplete development has created class disparities that could lead to an explosion.

Over the past two years, the ruling class seems to have decided to fully implement a project to close public space, likely a response to the Tishreen protests. There can be no democratic political system without a free and active public space.

The project to close public space can be observed in the tightening of restrictions on journalists and media professionals, including judicial prosecution. This extends to academic freedoms as well; for example, doctoral dissertations cannot address the Tishreen protests or their origins.

The idea of the “majority group” is now being used to perpetuate the dominance of a small segment of the population in power, representing no more than 2% or 3%. Fixed majorities and minorities do not exist throughout history, as they represent demographics.

Instead, majorities and minorities are defined by political alliances among political forces working based on programs, not through representation of specific communities.