"Iraq is a fragile state"

KDP MP: Iraqi security forces should determine the need for Coalition Forces

BAGHDAD, 9 January  — Parliament member Majid Shangali, for the Kurdistan  Democratic Party (KDP) said that Iraqi security forces are the sole authority responsible for deciding whether Iraq requires the presence of coalition forces or not. This decision should be based on their ability to maintain security and peace and their assessments of the situation.

In another context, Shangali warned of the government’s inability to pay salaries if oil prices drop to $60 per barrel. He also said that two-thirds of the current Iraqi forces exceed the necessary capacity.

Shangali’s remarks:

Power, influence, and money govern the Iraqi state, and the provincial councils are the best evidence of this.

The Iraqi people are not democratically mature enough to elect the right person, and our electoral programs are built on sympathy, as happened in Ninawa.

We do not ask anyone to give up their identity, but to come together with others in a unifying identity, as there is no melting in the Iraqi identity.

There is no robust law in Iraq; what happened with the retirement law proves this. We removed 250,000 people to reduce state expenses, and as a result, we lost experienced doctors.

The laws of the Federal Supreme Court and the Federal Council are fundamental and pivotal in the federal state, while Iraq still does not deal with them seriously.

The law of multiple constituencies was not implemented correctly but was divided to fit the parties. There should be multiple constituencies in the provincial councils, even at the sub-district level, to ensure representation for the smallest administrative unit in the provincial council.

The number of army personnel is larger than in advanced countries, and we only need about 30% of them in all branches, which applies to state employees as well.

The economic problem in Iraq is that there is no so-called money cycle, and we do not trust the banking system. We keep our money at home, which poses security and economic risks.

There is a difference between the legitimacy of elections and the acceptability of the system. The recent council elections were legitimate, and the voters were legitimate, but the number of participants indicates the political system’s unacceptability and a loss of trust in it.

Every country has a sovereign wealth fund where it invests, except Iraq. What is spent from the budget now is operational expenses and salaries, with only 20 billion for investment expenses. If the oil price drops to $60 today, we will not be able to pay salaries and will then go to the cash reserve, which will not last us more than two years at most.

The leaders in the Coordination Framework bloc fear each other and will not allow a prime minister from within their ranks. This is what happened with Maliki, and everyone lined up against him. Therefore, they agreed on Sudani from the Tigris River Stream, despite him having only two seats.

We do not have an opposition in Iraq, but contradiction. The Sadrist movement is now considered a popular opposition with a significant impact on the street but is outside politics. The strongest opposition is parliamentary.

The popular opposition is terrifying, and the popular current is dangerous, but the Sadrist current is disciplined.

Most appointments are not for state-building but clientelist appointments to serve the influence of the parties that granted them privileges.

The prime minister must start with the banking system and the automation system of the state in actual pictures, and then he will control 50% of corruption.

There will be no coup in Iraq, not because the state is strong, but because the competing parties have enough protection to prevent others from staging a coup.

All countries of the world choose according to a system of agreements, while Iraq chooses according to a majority system, which is why the parliament failed.

The principle of consociationalism in Iraq is that everyone participates in governance, either within the government or as an opposition that forms a shadow government and criticizes, which is not correct. Therefore, there is no parliamentary opposition.

The constitution in a system like Iraq is classified among the rigid constitutions that are difficult to change, but it is the best for a people made up of many races and components.

The Iraqi constitution is good and protects everyone, but the problem is with every party trying to twist the constitution for its interests.

The strength of the Iraqi internal decision is inversely proportional to external influence, and internal squabbles reveal regional and international actors, but external influence in Iraq has become less than before.

The disagreement over the withdrawal of coalition forces lies in the fear of each party from the other and acts according to its own data.

The Iraqi security agencies are the only ones to decide the need for Iraq to keep the coalition forces, based on their ability to maintain security and peace and their assessment of the situation.

The state is still unable to hold many parties accountable, and the proof is the outbreak of battles with weapons without seeing accountability.

“The term ‘fragile state’ applies to Iraq now.”